2009年1月23日 星期五

LB443-446 T

Parmenides, (fifth century B.C.) thought that originally names had been given to things on the basis of “wrong thinking,” and that the continued use of the original names perpetuated the errors of men’s earlier thinking about the objects around them. To him, and to Anaxagoras and Empedokles, names and concepts were synonymous. Their concern with conventional names and their condemnation of them as nomos was related to their critical view of conventional thought. To these philosophers nomos and conventional thought had acquired the connotation of incorrectness and inadequacy as opposed to the truth and real nature or physis which they were seeking [5].
翻譯:
帕梅尼德斯(公元前五世紀)認為,最初對事物的命名是建立在“錯誤思想”的基礎上,並且延續使用最早的名稱使得人類先前對周圍事物的錯誤看法一直存在著。對他以及對Axaxagoras和Empedokles 來說,名稱和概念是同等的。他們對這些傳統名稱的關注及譴責就是他們對常規思想持批判看法的規則。對這些哲學家來說,概念和常規思想是從錯誤和貧乏的內涵取得,相反於他們正尋找的真理和自然的真正本質[ 5 ] 。

原文:
Pindar(522-433 B.C.) considered all of man’s true abilities innate. They cannot be acquired by learning but can only be furthered by training[6]. For him the rules of society which are nomos were God-given and, therefore, contained absolute truth. Nomos and physis were not purely antithetical as it was for Parmenides and his school. It is also well to keep in mind that nomos and physis had not been antithetical in Greek ethnography. Nomos referred to all peculiarities of a people due to custom and not attributable to the influences of climate, country, or food. So Herodotus had ascribed the elongated heads of a tribe, due to their binding of the infant’s skull, to nomos, but he believed that this would become hereditary (physis). In medicine of the fifth century B.C., physis came to mean normal[7].
翻譯:
Pindar( 522-433年)認為,所有人類的真正能力是與生俱來的。而這些能力是不能透過學習而習得,只能靠著訓練而進步 [ 6 ] 。對他來說,社會的規則 (指nomos)是上帝賦予的,因此,含有絕對的真理。對巴門尼德和他的學派來說,規則和自然不完全對立。以希臘民族志來看,銘記規則和自然並不是對立也是正確的。被指為人類的所有特點,是由於習俗,而不是由於氣候的影響,國家或食物。因此,Herodotus認為部落中細長的頭顱,是他們對幼兒頭顱的束縛,這歸屬於規則,但他認為,這可成為世襲(自然)。在公元前五世紀的醫學上,自然的到來意味著常態 [ 7 ] 。


原文:
Although we find the nomos-physis antithesis in all Greek philosophy and science, the exact meaning of the terms would have to be determined in each case, before we might claim that one of the philosophers made certain pronouncements about language. We have attempted to indicate that none of the presocratic philosophers were concerned with language as such, nor with questions of its origin or development, and in no case could their statements be said to establish language as cultural or natural to man.
In classical philosophy, the relationship of the name to its object continued to be the focal point in discussions on language: naming and language were synonymous. Did the object determined in some way the name by which it was called, just as its shape determined the image we saw of it? In his dialogue, Cratylos, Plato (427-347) attempted a solution of this problem. If the name was determined by the nature of the object to which it referred, then language was physis, that is, it could be said to reflect the true nature of things, but if it were nomos, then the name could not serve as a source of real knowledge. As Steinthal[8] pointed out, language was taken as given, and the philosophical discussion had not originated from questions about the nature of man or language. Plato’s answer could, therefore, have only indirect implications for questions about language origin which were to arise much later. He overcame the antithesis by demonstrating that the name does not represent the object but that it stands for the idea which we have of the object. Furthermore, he declared that the name or the word is only a sound symbol which in itself does not reveal the truth of the idea it represents. Words gain their meaning from other modes of communication like imitative body movements or noises. The latter are similar to painting in that they are representative but not purely symbolic as is language. The only reference to the origin of language in Cratylos is Socrates’ statement that speaking of a divine origin of words is but a contrivance to avoid a scientific examination of the source of names[10].
翻譯:
雖然我們在所有希臘哲學及科學中找到規則-自然的對立面,但這兩個術語的確切含義都必須分別地在每一種情況下決定,在我們宣稱其中某位哲學家提出對語言的聲明之前。我們試圖表明,沒有任何前蘇格拉底的哲學家像這樣關注語言,也沒有關於語言起源及發展的問題,並在任何情況下,沒有任何聲明關於語言是人類文化及本質的建立。在古典哲學中,名稱和其所指事物的關係仍然是討論語言的焦點問題:命名和語言是同等的。是否用某種方式命名事物,就如同所我們看到的影象決定了事物的外型呢?在他的對話錄中, 《Cratylos》,柏拉圖( 427-347 )試圖解決這一個問題。如果名稱是由其所指對象的本質而決定,那麼語言就是物理,也就是說,語言可以反映事物的真實本質,但如果語言是法則,那麼事物的名稱就不能作為真正的知識來源。如同Steinthal [ 8 ]指出,語言的取得就像它的起源,哲學的討論不是源於人或語言本質的問題。柏拉圖的回答因此可能只有間接影響關於語言起源的問題。他藉著證明名稱不代表其所指對象,但是名稱代表了我們對所指對象的想法,克服了對立面。此外,他宣稱名稱和詞彙只是聲音的象徵,本身並不顯露出它所表示的真理。名稱的意義是從其他溝通方式取得,例如模仿的身體動作或聲音。後者則是類似繪畫,因為它們是呈現性的,但並非純粹是語言的象徵。在對話錄中唯一提到語言起源的是蘇格拉底的發言,談到了詞的神源說,但這卻是為了避免科學對名稱來源檢驗的計謀 [ 10 ] 。

LB371-374 T

原文:
Cognition is regarded as the behavioral manifestation of physiological processes. Form and function are not arbitrarily superimposed upon the embryo from the outside but gradually develop through a process of differentiation. The basic plan is based on information contained in the developing tissues. Some functions need an extra organismic stimulus for the initiation of operation-something that triggers the cocked mechanisms; the onset of air-breathing in mammals is an example. These extra-organismic stimuli do not shape the ensuing function. A species’ peculiar mode of processing visual input, as evidenced in pattern recognition, may develop only in individuals who have had a minimum of exposure to properly illuminated objects in the environment during their formative years. But the environment clearly does not shape the mode of input processing, because the environment might have been the background to the visual development of a vast number of other types of pattern-recognition.
翻譯:
認知被視為生理過程的行為表現。其形式和功能並非任意地從外在重疊加在胚胎上,而是透過分化的過程而逐漸發展。基本的計劃是依據發展中的組織,其內所顯示的資訊而決定。有些功能另外需要有機體的刺激來引發機制而開始運作;像是哺乳動物的呼吸起始就是一個例子。這些額外的有機體刺激並不影響隨後功能的發展。一個物種處理視覺輸入的特殊方式,如模式識別中所顯現,可能只在對某些個體中發展。但是顯然地環境並不是決定輸入過程形式的形成,因為環境可能是其它大量模式識別中,其視覺發展的背景。

原文:
(iv) At birth, man is relatively immature; certain aspects of his behavior and cognitive function emerge only during infancy. Man’s postnatal state of maturity (brain and behavior) is less advanced than that of other primates. This is a statement of fact and not a return to the fetalization and neotony theories of old (details in Chapter Four).
翻譯:
在出生時,人類相當地不成熟;某些方面的行為和認知功能只有在嬰兒期出現。人類產後狀態的成熟度(大腦和行為)比其他靈長類動物是較不先進的。這是對事實的陳述,而不是回到關於胎型和幼期性熟的理論(詳情見第四章)。

原文:
(v) Certain social phenomena among animals come about by spontaneous adaptation of the behavior of the growing individual to the behavior of other individuals around him. Adequate environment does not merely include nutritive and physical conditions; many animals require specific social conditions for proper development. The survival of the species frequently depends on the development of mechanisms for social cohesion or social cooperation. The development of typical social behavior in a growing individual requires, for many species, exposure to specific stimuli such as the presence of certain action patterns in the mother, a sexual partner, a group leader, etc. sometimes mere exposure to social behavior of other individuals is a sufficient stimulus. For some species the correct stimulation must occur during a narrow formative period in infancy; failing this, further development may become seriously and irreversibly distorted. In all types of developing social behavior, the growing individual begins to engage in behavior as if by resonance; he is maturationally ready but will not begin to perform unless properly stimulated. If exposed to the stimuli, he becomes socially“excited”as a resonator may become excited when exposed to a given range of sound frequencies. Some social behavior consists of intricate patterns, the development of which is the result of subtle adjustments to and interactions with similar behavior patterns (for example, the songs of certain bird species). An impoverished social input may entail permanently impoverished behavior patterns.
翻譯:
動物中某些社會現象的出現是源自於成長的個體對其他周圍個體所做的自然調整行為。適當的環境不只包括營養和生理狀況;許多動物為了適當的發展需要特定的社交條件。物種的生存往往取決於社會凝聚力和社交合作的發展機制。一個成長的個體,其典型社交行為的發展,對許多物種來說必需暴露於特定的刺激,例如某種母性行為模式、性伴侶及族群領導者的出現等。有時僅接觸其他個體的社交行為是足夠的刺激。對於某些物種來說,正確的刺激必須發生在嬰兒時的形成時期;如果錯過了這個時期,進一步的發展有可能變成嚴重且不可逆轉的變型。在所有發展中的社交行為中,成長中的個體開始處理行為就好比共振;他是已做好完全準備,但並不會開始執行,除非受到適當刺激。如果暴露於刺激,他會受社交而激動就像諧振器可能變得興奮,當它暴露於某一特定頻率範圍的聲音中。有些是由錯綜複雜的模式所組成,而社交行為的發展,是對類似行為模式所做的些微調整以及互動的結果,(例如,某種鳥類的歌曲)。貧乏的社交輸入可能造成長久的貧乏行為模式。